Bronislaw Malinowski, in the final chapter of his classic work “Argonauts of the Western Pacific” (1922/1987), makes conclusions about everything he regards to be the real aims of ethnology science. Among other things, he declares:

“What really interests me in the study of the native is his outlook on things, his Weltanschauung, the breath of life and reality which he breathes and by which he lives. Every human culture gives its members a definite vision of world, a definite zest of life.”

The very possibility and desire to see the world through the eyes of a person originating from another culture stands as a reason why I have already carried out fieldwork on the Yamal peninsula Nenets for several years. When living and working among the Nenets, I am primarily charmed by the “peeking” into the inner world of the Nenets, offering an emphatic pleasure. I am interested in how a Nenets perceives the surrounding reality around him, how he interprets this and how he forms it into an arranged system. I have called such a system “the world view” (Niglas 1997a). One of the most important components of “the world view” ruling in a society is the person’s psychological self-conception or identity, which is formed from the answers to the questions: who am I?; in what way do I differ from others?; what are my rights and obligations?; who are my friends and enemies?, etc. As is written by Robert Redfield, the introducer of the term world view, “self is the axis of world view” (Redfield 1962: 270).

The goal of this article is to observe some features of the identity of the Yamal area Nenets, the reindeer herders living mainly in the tundra, and factors that have influenced their development. Although the investigation of the Nenets identity is not the direct topic of my research, some ideas have emerged during my fieldwork and these I would like to point out in this report. I need to underline that I am dealing with thoughts, not with allegations that have undergone a thorough check. A number of ideas presented in the article have arisen during casual meetings with the Nenets living in various environments. However, I dare to regard the main idea of the article to be adequate, as during fieldwork, I faced it again and again when researching different topics.

Namely, I am of the opinion that the self-concept of the Yamal Nenets about themselves and their place in the surrounding world is to a large extent connected with the reindeer. This becomes especially obvious when analysing the mutual attitudes of the tundra Nenets who deal with reindeer herding and their fellow Nenets grouping who live in settled villages. I claim that the very reindeer is the cultural phenomena by which a Nenets determines himself. At the same time, it is necessary to emphasise that for the Nenets reindeer breeders, this animal does not merely concern a symbolic mark or sign by which to make themselves conscious for the world. Differently from many other cultures that deal with the reindeer, where people do not come into particular contact with the reindeer on an everyday level (the Simi people) (see Paine 1994), or where this animal has a minor role as a source of subsistence (the forest Nenets, the Khanty people) (see Verbov 1936; Kulemzin, Lukina 1992), the Yamal Nenets are in a permanent, very intensive and vitally dependant contact with their livestock.

The article is based on information collected during ethnographic fieldwork (1996–1999) which was carried out in the seventh brigade of the Yar-Sale reindeer herding state farm in the Yamal peninsula. I have also been in close contact with the members of other brigades and briefly with the herders of neighbouring state farms and, therefore, I believe that the cultural phenomena touched upon in the present paper are characteristic of the reindeer herders in the Yamal region as a whole. The beliefs of the village Nenets, being important from the point of view of this article, originate mainly from the inhabitants of the state farm centre, the Yar-Sale settlement. I have also visited smaller Nenets villages, Yaptik-Sale and Kutopyugan. Likewise, I have been to Nenets households both in Salekhard, the capital of the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrug (region) and in the industrial town Nadym. Therefore, I believe that I have obtained an overview regarding various ways of adaptation and social-economic environments of the Yamal area Nenets. Where possible, I have used relevant published literature and statistical materials.

Identity and Ethnicity

In general, there is an opinion that “identity” is difficult to define as a concept. The most characteristic feature of identity can be considered that of a unit (human being, group, people) which sees itself, and is seen by others, as different from other units – “I” or “we” is differentiated from “he” or “they” (Rapoport 1982: 10). In social science and cultural research, the concept of identity is habitually used together with such words as ethnicity, culture, group, region, etc. As a result, we have terms, which are used to characterise the connection of a human being with a certain cultural tradition, ethnos, human grouping or region (Seymour-Smith 1986: 145). Depending on the activity situation and level, the emphasis is laid, either by the person himself or by the “others” who communicate with him, on his origin, lifestyle, or on his being the member of a narrower grouping. Despite the fact that lately, it is customary to criticise the concept of ethnicity and clearly determined “cultures” (see Levine 1999; Harrison 1999), we can definitely speak about ethnic identity in the case of the Nenets. However, his ethnicity has more a rather political than cultural character, as both the language and the lifestyle are quite different among various groups of the Nenets.

The name “Nenets” (?????? – human being) came into general usage only after Soviet ethnographs began to use it in their written works and this replaced the terms “Samoyeds”, “Yuraks”, “Yurak-Samoyeds” in scientific and official phraseology. In fact, the imagination of the existence of a unitary Nenets nation came into being only during the Soviet period. Mainly due to the forcefully carried out concentration of nomads into settled villages, and a “cultural policy”, which stressed unity but practised russification, the concept of the “Nenets nation” began to form in the thinking of indigenous people who were divided into various territorial and kinship groups (Kopytoff 1955: 21).

For the Nenets themselves, group identity was more important than ethnic identity, and they determined themselves mainly through the patrilinear clan (Khomich 1955: 25). In the Yamal area, differently from the European Nenets, the clan system and identity has maintained its viability until today, also regulating, in addition to marital relationships, the religious behaviour of people.

Even today, there are massive differences between various Nenets regions. In some cases, differences in dialects serve as a basis for regional identity, but chiefly, they originate from culturally detailed peculiarities. For instance, the Yamal region covers the Yamal peninsula together with an area from the southern shore of the Ob-bay up to approximately Nadym town; forest tundra growing there is used as a winter pasture land for the reindeer. Although this Taz river basin forest tundra area is also the home of the so-called Taz Nenets, a clear distinction is made between the different groups. The difference is said to be in the fact that the Yamal Nenets have larger herds, they spend most of the year in bare tundra and they pronounce some words differently. The Yamal Nenets call the Taz ones forest people (?????’ ??????); they should not be mixed up with the forest Nenets who are regarded to be a separate ethnos living in the southern taiga and speaking a totally different language and who are called the tree people (??’ ??????).

According to Frederik Barth’s definition, the Yamal Nenets could be regarded as a separate ethnic group which is biologically self-reproductive, shares certain cultural values and has a common activity area and definite identity (see Huttunen 1995: 121). Still, similar to the majority of ethnic groups, the Yamal Nenets have to fight for their traditions and identity, against the dominating culture and this results in the strong influence of Soviet or Russian culture on the lifestyle of some of the Nenets2 who have moved from nomadic cattle breeding to a settled village life. The identity has also changed.

Several researchers have actually criticised the usage of the term “identity”, because this would point to the unchangeable or fixed character of a human being or a group. According to them, it would be more reasonable to talk about the continuously developing identification process, not about stable identity (Seymour-Smith 1986: 145). The identity of a human being is changing constantly, corresponding to his/her movement in time and space. This is revealed especially clearly by so-called social mobility, when a person moves from one social stratum to another, changing his/her lifestyle and evaluation judgements. When researching the identity of the Nenets in the Yamal region, it becomes explicit that, besides the above mentioned ethnic self-determination, an important identity factor today is social differentiation, proceeding from lifestyle. The most distinct discrepancy can be made between the so-called tundra and village inhabitants, at the same time, the transition from one category to another is easy and relatively frequent.

Different Lifestyles

Four different social layers of the Nenets have been pointed out. First, the Nenets or the so-called tundra inhabitants are a group who practise a nomadic lifestyle and traditional ways of subsistence and culture. The second category is formed by the Nenets who live in stationary settlements and do not deal with traditional areas, and are, as a rule, only partially assimilated, many of these being called the lumpen-proletariat. The third group includes the Nenets who live in larger centres, according to their living standard and lifestyle, they do not differ much from the representatives of other nations. The last category are the mestizas born from mixed marriages, they are the group least connected with the traditional Nenets culture (Kharyuchi 1998: 49).

All these classes differ from each other by economic activity, lifestyle, material welfare and social conditions. The Nenets living in larger centres (Salekhard, Yar-Sale) and in similar economic conditions as the representatives of other nationalities (Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars), have, in the majority of cases, proper education and work in positions that require creativity or responsibility. They could be placed under a common denominator “the Nenets intelligentsia”. The formation of this category is also facilitated by the requirement of political correctness, dating from the perestroika period, stipulating that in the management of local authorities or economic enterprises there should be one or two representatives of the indigenous peoples. In the majority of cases, they have high ethnic awareness and it is exactly them who represent their fellow nationals in cultural and political arenas (see Kharyuchi 1999), but quite a large number of these people do not have direct contact with the traditional culture practised in the tundra.

The Nenets proletariat living in villages includes people who, for some reason, have remained living in the settlement after finishing boarding school or after military service, finding low-skilled work (building, taking care of a polar fox farm). Living in small villages, they are in relatively close contact with the tundra inhabitants, either through close relatives or economic connections. It was namely the local proletariat that suffered, most of all, in the chaos following the collapse of the Soviet economic system. As everywhere in Russian Arctic (Kauppala 1998: 27), the unemployment rate is high in the Yamal region (personal report by L.Yaptik). This has resulted in poverty, increased alcoholism and violent deaths, which have taken a lot more serious forms compared with the tundra inhabitants (Pika 1993: 68).

People born from mixed marriages are less strongly connected to traditional Nenets culture and, as a rule, the majority of them has switched over to the Russian language. The economic situation of the mestizas can vary a lot, but the important fact is that they can better adapt themselves to modern living conditions and they are more eager to make various inter-ethnic contacts (Kharyuchi 1998: 49). In the Yamal, about 10% of settled Nenets are connected with ethnically mixed families, whereas there are practically no mixed families in the tundra (Pika, Bogoyavlensky 1995: 65). In the Yamal tundra, only one Russian is living there who deals with reindeer herding. He is the former veterinary assistant of the Yar-Sale state farm and he is married to a Nenets woman and has totally accepted the traditional Nenets lifestyle.

The traditional means of subsistence of the Nenets have been nomadic reindeer herding, besides fishing, hunting and the catching of sea animals. Although reindeer herding has preserved as an important field of activity among the majority of the Nenets groupings, the Nenets living in the Yamal peninsula can be regarded as the real reindeer people. Firstly, the Yamal is a region where more than half of the representatives of the indigenous population are engaged in reindeer herding. As of January 1st, 1999, more than 50% of the 9670 Nenets living in the peninsula were involved in reindeer herding (Byulle­ten… 1999). The Yamal Nenets can be regarded one of the largest and most compact group of reindeer herders in the whole world (Pika, Bogoyavlensky 1995: 62–64). Secondly, until the present day, the traditional Nenets reindeer herding is cultivated in the Yamal region – “classic large herd reindeer breeding” (Krupnik 1976). This term, when expounded, means that reindeer herds are immense, consisting usually of several thousand animals and their herding implies constant movement to fresh pasture lands. Because of migration throughout the year, the family members with all their household possessions also move together with the herders. If, before the introduction of state farm rules at the end of the 1930s (see Golovnev, Zaytsev 1992: 70–71), the main economic unit was a patrilinear extended family, consisting of several nuclear families, then, in the Yar-Sale state farm that has existed until today, the reindeer-herding group consists of the families of 7–9 herders. The task of the brigade is to take care of the state farm herd comprising three-four thousand reindeer throughout the year. They come to the state farm centre only a couple of times a year – in spring, to join the planning meeting and to replenish supplies and in autumn, to take the animals to the slaughterhouse. In addition to brigades, hunters also work for the benefit of the state farm; their task is to shoot polar foxes in the tundra. They, too wander with their families and reindeer herds throughout the year. In a changed economic situation where polar fox skins are ridiculously inexpensive, they mostly deal with fishing and increasing their herd. Consequently, in the case of the Nenets living in the tundra, we are dealing with real nomadic herders, whose life is spent, on a large scale, among the reindeer in the tundra.

In the majority of cases, social movement proceeds from the tundra to the village, first and foremost, among the girls who finish school, and who, on a number of occasions, marry a local non-Nenets. However, during recent years, also a reverse process has started to take place. The difficult economic situation, prevalent in the northern regions of Russia, forces many families to look for employment in the tundra, where it is possible to subsist by herding and fishing. A pre-requisite for this is the existence of the reindeer, which are usually kept in the herd of some close relative. In the seventh brigade, almost half the herders had earlier been living in the village or studying in the town, but, for several economic and psychological reasons, they had returned to the tundra.

Tundra versus village

From the point of view of identity, it is first and foremost a person’s lifestyle, proceeding from his/her living environment, which is important. It is the lifestyle which often serves as a basis for differentiating between “we” and “they”. The Nenets themselves make a clear distinction between the Nenets who wander about the tundra and those who live in the village, calling the first hoj’ ter (mountain/tundra highland inhabitant) and the others harad’ ter (village/town inhabitant).

A tundra inhabitant regards the village to be an alien, inconvenient and even dangerous world. The village is the place, described by a Nenets with the following words: a place where “I would get into trouble” because “I would not have my reindeer over there”, only “noise and constant drinking”. The people and their reindeer who have migrated from the tundra, become “strange” in the village: people start drinking and quarrelling; and the reindeer get nervous amidst big houses and rumbling vehicles and might bolt. Unfortunately, such “strange” behaviour often has more serious consequences. When taking a closer look at the statistics concerning violent death cases among the indigenous people, it becomes evident that the majority of homicides and suicides of nomadic herders are mainly committed in villages, especially in autumn when part of the herd is brought to the slaughterhouse in the state farm centres (see Pika 1993: 66).

Although tundra inhabitants seem to prefer staying in the homely tundra, the village plays a vital role in their world. There are probably no groups of nomads or migrating cattle herders in the world that could exist totally independently from settled communities. Regardless of the fact that the majority of things necessary for life is obtained from practising nomadic cattle herding, people also need something that can be offered to them only by the village. Firstly, the products of cattle farming do not fully satisfy the requirements of people for food, and secondly, for normal existence, it is necessary to have a variety of things manufactured by settled people. For the satisfaction of this necessity, different groups of nomadic cattle herders use various ways3. Mostly, there is “a reasonable symbiotic relationship” between nomadic herders and the village inhabitants, which implies the exchange of livestock products for the produce of settled people (Johnson 1969: 12). However, this does not encompass only trading – such a symbiotic relation can also acquire other forms. Under some conditions, the state farm organisation, which has preserved in the Yamal until today, can be observed as a certain symbiotic relationship between tundra and village inhabitants. The state farm enables the Nenets, under given specific economic, political and demographical conditions, to maintain and maybe even increase the share of reindeer herding in their lives, by supplying the brigades with foodstuffs and veterinary help and by destroying wolves. It is possible that the reindeer-centred world outlook and the identity of the Nenets acquired its current form namely due to the state farm, because the herders have not always been in charge of such large reindeer herds (see Niglas 1999). This can also serve as an explanation why the central role of the reindeer in the structuring of the mental world of the Nenets, highlighted by me, has not been observed by the earlier researchers (see Yevladov 1992; Istochniki…1987).4

Genuine Human Being

The Yamal and other eastern Nenets call themselves ????? ??????, which means the “genuine human being” (Khomich 1995: 25). It seems to me that, according to the tundra Nenets, the authenticity of a human being starts gradually disappearing, after they settle in the village. And not so much because the village Nenets wear Russian clothes, live in Russian houses and for most of the time, speak the Russian language, but rather because they do not have reindeer.

On the basis of information collected during fieldwork, there is a reason to suppose that an important component of the Nenets identity is the connection between man and reindeer. Reindeer herding is not only an economic activity that provides a livelihood. In addition to its important role as a source of subsistence and meat animals for food, reindeer are the only means of transportation for their nomadic herders, both for the fulfilment of the work tasks of the herders and for moving camps to a new location. Reindeer skin is also an indispensable material for sewing overcoats and covers for conical tents. Consequently, it may be assumed that in a situation where the potential material and technical aid in settlements is hundreds of kilo­meters away, the physical survival of a human being in the tundra depends directly on the reindeer, both in the case of the state farm brigades and the private cattle herders who deal mainly with hunting and fishing. During the course of my research, I have come to the conclusion that reindeer also play the central role in guaranteeing the mental welfare of the Nenets, thereby being the source of social prestige, good friend and kin relationships, and the favour of gods (see Niglas 1997a).

It seems to me that being a Nenets, i.e. being different from the non-Nenets, anticipates close contact with this animal. This is acknowledged by a widespread opinion that “genuine Nenets” live in the tundra together with their reindeer herds. On the one hand, such understanding reveals the scornful attitude of some tundra Nenets towards their fellow natives who live in villages “like Russians”. In reply to my question to the Nenets about the reasons for moving into settlements, the herders have often explained that the people who live in villages are these who cannot cope with tough weather and work conditions in the tundra. Also, the Nenets who work in villages, are generally regarded to be idlers and free-loaders. Even the attitude of the herders towards the veterinary assistants, who are appointed to work at the brigades, but who often stay in the state farm centre, is sporadically scornful.

At the same time, the Nenets who live in villages, usually regard their tundra fellows with respect. The high prestige of the reindeer herders among the village Nenets is expressed in joyous and painful nostalgic childhood memories and in the proud listing of relatives/acquaintances who work in one or another reindeer herding brigade. Whenever possible, settled Nenets try to get to the tundra, in order to, dressed in traditional clothes, participate in a couple of exchanges of camps or to catch the reindeer with arkans. Those who have inherited or received the reindeer from their relatives, are especially keen on going to the tundra. Presumably, in connection with the collapse of the Soviet economic system, the prestige of the reindeer herders in the eyes of village inhabitants has increased even more during recent years. In a situation where many representatives of the indigenous people in settlements have no jobs, the meat brought by the relatives from the tundra, is often their main food supply and sales article.

The respective attitude towards the tundra inhabitants is probably expressed most revealingly during sports competitions, held in the framework of the annual herders’ day. The official festivity of reindeer herders, organised in Yar-Sale at the beginning of April is one of the few occasions where the Nenets who have come from the tundra, seem to feel secure in the village. They wear their best clothes, drive their best reindeer and display objects of admiration for the village people. With their colourful clothes and self-confident behaviour, they differ distinctly from the village Nenets. On several occasions I have heard myself how Russians explain to their children that these are the real Nenets not like the local village drunkards. Unfortunately, it has to be admitted that there are plenty among the tundra inhabitants who have also become the victims of alcohol by nightfall.

Competing in traditional sports events (lasso throwing, wrestling, triple jump, etc.) is a deed of honour for the majority of Nenets herders, and it is treated with a full seriousness, both by the participants and the audience (see Niglas 1998). The most popular event is the reindeer race, attracting a large crowd of spectators on the frozen river meadow. The other events are being participated only selectively, but everybody wants to join in the racing, including even young boys, as the herders are judged namely on the basis of the animals in the yoke. This is evidenced by the most precious prize for the winner of the contest – a snowmobile. When observing the sporting competition events, it becomes clear where the line is drawn between different identities. On one side are the spectators – Russians and village Nenets – and on the other side are the participating reindeer breeders. Participating in the race is one of the most relevant indicators of identity also among the Simi people (see Huttunen 1995), but with a difference that among the Simis, this has only to do with a purely ethnic symbol, as the reindeer yoke has not been used as an everyday transportation means for a long time (see Paine 1994), but for the Yamal Nenets, it is a great part of their actual world.

It is very characteristic, when speaking about the differences between the tundra and village Nenets, that the concept of purity is being used. The tundra people regard themselves to be purer than the village inhabitants, and, for this reason, to hold a higher position. Such a partial take-over of a dominant culture has also been called identity pollution (Harrison 1999:10). The village inhabitants themselves also admit their lower position in the prestige hierarchy. At least this is what a young Nenets woman alleged, having lived in the Yar-Sale for more than ten years. However, this is only supposed to apply to the first generation of village Nenets; the second and especially the third generation of the Nenets living in the settlements have a scornful attitude towards their fellow nationals who follow the traditional lifestyle, and regard them as primitive savages. Quite a few of the Nenets youth, being brought up in the village, could not understand how “a cultural foreigner” as I was, could tolerate, for months, the prevalent non-hygienic conditions of the tundra and the weird customs.

No doubt, the concept of purity is of utmost importance for the Nenets, and again, this is primarily associated with the reindeer. On the one hand, the reindeer is regarded to be an extremely pure animal, the latter being used as a justification for eating raw meat and for scarce hygiene possibilities. It is claimed that pure meat and the clothes and sleeping places, manufactured from pure leather enable the people to live a healthy life in the tundra5. On the other hand, the term “purity” is associated with the right, subject to rules behaviour, one of the most relevant measuring tools of which is the welfare of the cattle.

Life among the Gods

A large part of the system of taboos and customs, regulating human behaviour and therefore, also the way of thinking, is directly connected with the reindeer. Everyday activities of the Nenets are restricted by a great number of various behavioural norms and taboos. Violating them is a major sin and brings along the displeasure of gods. An especially large number of taboos is used for the regulation of women’s behaviour, as, because of menstrual blood, women are regarded to be unclean and, therefore, dangerous to fellow citizens (see Niglas 1998). Here, again, the distinguishing between the “genuine” and village Nenets becomes evident, the behaviour of the latter differs remarkably from that of the herder. The importance of observing taboos and the scornful attitude of the tundra Nenets towards village people is probably best characterised by the explanation of an old herder about the reasons for the sickly look of the reindeer. Namely, he was convinced that the weak health and bad resistance of the herd animals does not proceed from the overload of the Yamal pasture lands, pursuant to the reasons given by scientists (Priroda... 1995: 399–400), but from the fact that village women step over the horns of the reindeer, scattered near the state farm slaughterhouse. In accordance with the beliefs of the Nenets, things connected with the reindeer, when getting under the feet of a sexually mature woman, immediately become impure and, for this reason, they also negatively affect the living animals. Usually there are a number of things, used in cattle breeding, lying about the campsite of the nomadic herders (narta driver’s sticks, lassos, tools), and it is the obligation of the women to skilfully steer past them while executing their everyday duties. If it happens that a woman accidentally “soils” something, it is necessary to quickly carry out a ritual during which the item is cleaned in the smoke of burning reindeer grease.

The guaranteeing of the welfare of the reindeer from supernatural forces is the real objective of the large number customs of the Nenets nomadic cattle herders. And this is valid not only with regard to women. Even such an innocent activity as looking at the reindeer without any concrete reason can bring along the death of the animal. Consequently, during their daily activities, people have to constantly have in mind the connection of their behaviour with the safety of the reindeer, and this is also reflected in the Nenets identity. Only the one who obeys the taboos associated with the reindeer is considered a genuine Nenets.

Staying far away from the herd, the village people undoubtedly have very few opportunities to directly endanger the reindeer with their errant behaviour. Still, stepping over a piece of cord lying on the floor in a flat denotes a non-Nenets behaviour, because theoretically, this cord could be used in somebody’s harness some day in the future. A remarkably more realistic danger emerges when the tundra Nenets come to the village for foodstuffs or for participating at the herders’ day.

One part of human identity is the relationship of a man with the supernatural world – his religious convictions and their application in forming one’s life. Again, the reindeer has an important role to play. For the Nenets, the “pure” reindeer is the main sacrificial animal. In the animistic religious system, characteristic of the Nenets, sacrifice serves as the basic means of communication with the supernatural forces. In the Nenets world view, the profane and religious are densely interwoven and even the routine slaughter of the reindeer, the aim of which is to obtain meat, constitutes in itself a sacrificial rite. Similarly, various “sacred” animals associated with concrete deities are differentiated in the herd, and with regard to these animals, specific behavioural patterns are stipulated. For example, women are not allowed to touch some of them, they are not harnessed in front of a sledge and their horns are not sawn. In such “magic world view” (Wax, Wax 1962), all things and phenomena are alive and connected with each other. Similar to the following of behavioural norms, sacrifice and taking care of the sacred animals is an instrument for a human being to control, at least to some extent, the omnipresent Power which has personified into a large number of master-spirits, clan and home deities, etc. The aim is to maintain one’s place in the world, and thereby, the identity.

In the settlement where there are no reindeer, the traditional supernatural world is also without a more unapproachable reach and becomes more and more “Russian”. The characteristic of the Nenets understanding that the entire natural and tangible environment is full of magic, energy, loses its importance in village conditions. For instance, fire and water, holding a very significant sacral meaning, are lacking such a meaning compared to what they have in a chum, in a flat with all conveniences – a flame coming from a gas cylinder and the water coming from the “wall” (tap) do not any more involve their intrinsic supernatural power (Kharyuchi 1998: 50–51).

Lately, within the framework of the so-called cultural awakening, certain religious rituals have begun to be practised, however they remain very distant from traditional religious behaviour. I have myself witnessed how an honoured Nenets writer feeds tiny statues of gods on his bedroom dressing table – altar, accompanied by his prayers, before he commences with his dinner. In the tundra, it is also customary to treat home deities with food from time to time, but this is done seldom and as a rule, in the framework of certain events. Likewise, it has been started to switch rituals which are traditionally held mainly in a limited circle of relatives, into the programme of mass events, arranged by public organisations and administrative structures. The organisers of such activities are usually from among the national intelligentsia, and they have to admit themselves that often, this has to do more with a performance than with a seriously taken religious rite (Kharyuchi 1998: 53).

I believe that under the changed lifestyle, it really is impossible to preserve the religion of the ancestors one-to-one, and the consequent result would be the formation of a new and adjusted religious behav­iour and world cognition. To a great extent, this proceeds namely from the fact that in the world of the village Nenets, people lack the vital connection with the reindeer. As mentioned above, it is the dependence on this animal that determines the religious be­haviour of a human being in the tundra, be it the observance of taboos or carrying out of a sacrificial rite. I suppose that being a genuine Nenets is directly connected with proper religious behaviour and, therefore, living in the village for a long period, it is not possible to preserve the traditional self-concept. An important part of the world view is the vision regarding the locality and character of the supernatural power; and if this alters, the imagination of a human being of him/herself also changes.

Conclusion

The role of the reindeer as the moulder of the Nenets identity is really immense. This is fully understandable when taking into account the importance of this animal in the everyday life of the Nenets– in the tundra, the reindeer provides people with food, outdoor clothes, lodging, means of transport and also with the possibility to communicate with supernatural powers. Or, as the Nenets themselves prefer to express this: “We live here (in the tundra) only by the grace of the reindeer.” The connection of the tundra Nenets’ identity with the reindeer becomes obvious in comparing them with their settled fellow native grouping. According to the Nenets who permanently live together with the reindeer, these people who live in villages are about to lose their “genuineness” – this part of the world view, developed during generations, which gives an answer to the question: who am I? For what reasons do I differ from others?

Naturally, the picture given in the article is very much one-sided, centring mainly on the reindeer herders’ vision of themselves and their surrounding world. However, at least the first generation of the village Nenets underline the certain superiority and purity of the tundra inhabitants, substantiated by their close connection with the reindeer. But the gaps that have emerged in the identity of the Nenets who have settled in the village, will, during the course of time, be filled by new concepts and the next generations will already see the world and themselves from a totally different viewpoint – inferiority proceeding from adaptational difficulties will be replaced by scornful superiority and the Nenets gods will totally disappear or alter beyond recognition.

Consequently, the people of the Nenets origin, living in the Yamal peninsula have several various identities and they are constantly changing due to social movement of an individual or a group. But one of the most significant criteria, on the basis of which the very Nenets determine themselves and on which the others see them, is their relationship with the reindeer.

1 This article is the complemented variant of the poster presentation at the conference “The Identity of Arctic Cultures” (April 13–15, 2001, ENM, Tartu). I would like to thank all the participants in the discussion of the poster report, their comments and critical remarks have essentially contributed to the completion of this paper.

The article has been prepared by support of the Estonian Science Foundation (project no. 3134).

2 The population of the Yamal region was, 15,592 people, as of January, 1 1990. Out of them, there were 7701 (49,4%) Nenets, 319 (2%) Khanty, 11 Mansi, 6 Selkups and 4670 (30%) Russians and 2885 (18%) of the representatives of other nationalities (Pika, Bogoyavlensky 1995: 62). Consequently, the amount of indigenous people among the local population is less than half.

3 An overview regarding various types of nomadic cattle herding and their connections with stationary settlements can be found, for instance, in the works of Goldschmidt (1979) and Barfield (1993).

4 I still think that the contradiction between the visions of different researchers is not so much conditioned by the situation that has changed during time past, but by the different aims and methods of the very researchers themselves. Both Yevladov and Chernetsov studied the Yamal Nenets in the framework of constantly further-moving expeditions, aimed at obtaining a general picture of the Yamal people’s life environment, economic situation, everyday life (Pika 1989: 100), or of the language, archaeology, customs and beliefs (Istochniki…1987: 9). The aim was to write down, take photographs, obtain ethnographic information, to as much an extent as possible. I have limited myself with the research of only one Nenets group and I am not so much interested in concrete, superficial, visible and audible information but, rather in the human being’s abstract understanding regarding the surrounding world, located in the subconscious and sifted out from the above information. Therefore, the results are different.

5 At this point, we can, for example, draw a parallel with the Japanese who utilise the idea of purity in the construction of their ethnic identity (see Harrison 1999: 10).

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Translated by Mall Leman