Yugan Khanties are among the most numerous groups of Eastern Khanties – their number in 1999 reached 825 persons (authors' fieldwork materials (FM) 1999). They live in the basin of the Great and Small Yugan rivers and name themselves accordingly enet yavun yah ('people of the Great Yugan') and ai yavun yah ('people of the Small Yugan'). Experts rightfully consider the area of Yugan culture as one of the few extant sources of autochthonous ethnicity (Balalayeva, Wiget 1998: 14).

Until recently the territories of the Great and Small Yugan were free from any consistent large-scale industrialisation that would have brought along an active influx of population and the development of new infra-structures. This fact together with the remote geographical location and inaccessibility to Khanty settlements has enabled Yugan Khanties to keep their natural resources, which is one of the key factors of the group's resilience and longevity.

Yugan has kept its system of settlement, kinship structure and traditional subsistence activities i.e. hunting and fishing (Karapetova, Sokolova, Solovyova 1995: 6–10).

As in the past, the most important socio-productive unit of Yugan Khanties is the family or groups of extended families. They share common hunting and fishing territories containing summer and winter yurtas, have a "private" subsection of the river as well as common forests and consecrated lands including the graveyard, sacred site and the protective spirit. Within the subsistence territory, each family is given its own allotment that is kept in its use for generations.

During the years of the Soviet rule, hunting and fishing territories first became subdivisions of kolkhozes, and afterwards of commercial enterprises. Nevertheless, the unwritten law was such that certain hunting and fishing territories remained within the possession of the families who had owned them according to the old custom. At present, this is reflected in the Directive of the status of kinship subsistence territories.

As before, Yugan Khanties live in settlements called yurtas. This was already pointed out by the Swedish researcher, F. R. Martin, over a hundred years ago (1897: 8). He also provided the names of the inhabitants – Kayukovs, Multanovs, Ryskins, Taylakovs, Kinyamins and etc. – names by which they are known even today. Likewise, the structure of the settlements has remained unchanged. The latter comprise complexes of dwelling houses and outbuildings in which each family has a house on its own, one or two barns to shelter its possessions, a traditional oven for baking bread, a summer kitchen with a cooking-stove, as well as shelves and platforms for dishes and cooking utensils. Normally these settlements are inhabited by one or several extended families. At present, there are 29 such settlements with a total population of 605 people.

As we found out, these settlements also have a Khanty name that is passed on from generation to generation, but those names have not been reflected in literature. So we present some we recorded: Kayukovs' yurtas – tlung poutl yah or 'people of loong settlement', Kogonchins – kutl yah poutl or 'people of the fishing river', Leykovs nyehus yah poutl or 'the sable river people', Yarsomovs – kanrak poutl yah or 'people of cranberry woods', Kurlomkins – nohr poutl or 'pine-cone settlement', Multanovs – tlankty poutl or 'snake settlement', Ryskins – ninkun poutl yah (FM 1994 Multanov; 1999 V. N. Lyantin).

The family structure of the indigenous population in the 19^th century matches more or less that of the present one. The representatives of all families living in the Yugan come from three genealogical groups or sirs – in literal translation sir means 'part' or 'share' – each of which has a common predecessor (Sokolova 1983: 112). These three are Puppi sir – the Bear, Neuh sir – the Elk and Mah sir – the Beaver. The Elk group is the largest including representatives from the families of Yarsomovs, Taylakovs, Lyantins, Nemchinovs, Uryevs and Pokacheyevs. The Beaver group includes the families of Kogonchins, Kaymysovs, Karayev and Kinyamin, and the Bear group those of Usanovs, Kurlomkins, Sapokrins, Kayukovs, Multanovs and Ruskins. Marriages within the sir were not allowed.

The preservation of traditional subsistence activities and social institutions of Yugan Khanties is inextricably connected to their world view. It accommodates a mythico-historical memory manifest in myths, tales and legends passed on from generation to generation linking Yugan Khaties with a certain region. All this taken together makes this local group emerge as an integral community.

The Yugan Khanties' relationship towards nature and towards the land rests upon a complex system of interdependence and interrelations between the human world, natural settings and the world of mythological figures. What needs to be stressed is that the latter serve as the protective spirits of the regions, whose proportions strictly correspond to the rank of the spirit.

Our aim in this paper is to examine only one aspect of the traditional culture of Yugan Khanties that is quite significant for their ethnic identity. This aspect concerns Yavun-iki, the master of the river Yugan. As we perceive it, this figure is a concentrated reflection of Khanty's understanding of nature and society and their interrelations.

Several pieces of research about Yugan Khanties contain evidence of Yavun-iki (Kulemzin 1984: 50, 96–98; Ilyina et al. 1993: 220, 226, 228–231; Fedorova 1995: 194; Zenko 1997: 29–31; Karapetova, Solovyova 1997: 69–70; Martynova 1998: 159). However, no author has treated the figure of Yavun-iki as one of the most important cultural symbols of this local group. Therefore, we will delineate those aspects that show Yavun-iki from this perspective.

The concept of vertical division of the world is common to all groups of Khanties. Likewise, they share the main mythological figures. But in addition, Yugan Khanties typically divide the vertical space into the upper, middle and nether worlds of which the upper and the nether world both have seven strata.

Above the earth, there is heaven (the upper world) with the supreme deity, Torum, who "can see all, knows all and is looking onto the earth through the seven celestial strata" as Yugan Khanties express it (FM 1991 E. G. Taylakov). A. Zenko has also recorded another name for the supreme deity – Sanki (1997: 20). The word sanki can be translated as 'light' or 'whiteness'. On the other hand, Sanki functioned as the supreme deity mainly among southern Khanties – from the regions of Demyan, Salym and partly Konda – with whom Yugan Khanties had had contacts from long before (Kulemzin 1984: 65; Golovnev 1991: 216; Ilyina et al. 1993: 238).

Torum's wife is Myh anki or 'the mother Earth'. She represents the middle world and is responsible for human life in that sphere. But the giver of life for Yugan Khanties is Anki Pus (Pugos), the chief female spirit.

Hyn iki rules the nether world and is the spirit of sickness and death who has seven assistants living in the seven subterranean strata (FM 1991 E. G. Taylakov). Another name he is known by in Yugan is Pyhty sorin syvyn kon ('tsar wearing black robes').

Torum, the creator of the world, Myh anki, the mother Earth and Hyn iki, the master of the subterranean world, form the basis of the all-Khantyan pantheon. Together with these, Yugan Khanties have also kept the archaic notion of the primacy of female principle in the creation of the world. This notion is connected to the figure of Chooros nai anki (chooros 'ocean', nai 'female deity', as well as 'fire' or 'flame', anki 'mother'). Information on her, however, is very contradictory. Based on our scholarship, Chooros nai anki emerges as the mother of "the celestial fire and everything living", and as "the most powerful god" (FM 1991 E. G. Taylakov). A. Zenko describes her in analogous terms (1997: 20), or she is said to be living in the Eastern Ocean (FM 1991 Y. A. Kuplandeyev) and is the goddess of the "Eastern fiery ocean" (Martynova 2000: 173) or "the sea fire" (Ilyina et al. 1993: 238). Some sources state her to be the mother of Torum (FM 1991 E. G. Taylakov). Pim Khanties, on the other hand, see Chooros nai anki as holding the seven nodes of the seven oceans (FM 1991 Y. N. Nimperov). A. Golovnev's treats her as a figure of "alien fire" to be identified with the violent, world-wide whirlwind or fiery deluge; she can be so powerful as to "be the mistress of the destinies of other souls" (1991: 216).

Deities together with the main mythological figures from the upper pantheon govern the life in the middle world through the protective spirits of the regions, Torum's children, whom their father has appointed as the masters of the tributaries of the Ob. As Khanties see it, all living space is permeated with spirits – whether it be the masters of the forests, swamps, rivers or settlements –, and bearing this fact in mind that they are being attended to by supernatural forces, Khanties shape their behaviour. Each local group inhabiting a river and its tributaries has its mythological figure important to that region and this figure represents the group in the upper pantheon.

Yugan Khanties consider Yavun-iki or 'Yugan Old Man' to be the master and protective spirit of the whole river. He is responsible for its territory, from the source to the mouth, and for the life of its inhabitants including their subsistence activities (Kulemzin 1984: 96; Zenko 1997: 29–31; FM 1991). He administers over the spirits of the forests and rivers as well as over the protective spirits of the settlements (yurtas), of both familial (or domestic) and personal kind.

According to the legend, Yavun-iki is the son of the supreme deity, Torum, whom the latter has appointed to that position. He is the "tough, glittering" hero for whom a bear appears "a child's play" (FM 1991 A. N. Taylakova, E. G. Taylakov). As the myth tells us, Yavun-iki has seven bears or seven horses and one hundred warriors as his subjects. He also 'employs' nine heroes or yulit mank kum (Karapetova, Solovyova 1997: 70). Earlier, he was constantly fighting his brothers, sons of Torum, over the right to govern certain territories.

The holy hypostasis of Yavun-iki is a bear. It was always such that the spirits of particular ranks who were Torum's children and masters of the territories – such as Yavun-iki, Kazym imi and many others – had a sacred appearance in the form of an animal or bird together with their anthropomorphic hypostasis of a hero-warrior or a heroine. Thus, in the Yugan Yavun-iki is considered the forefather of the bear family. His looks resemble that of a bear and he even behaves like one. At the same time he rules over the bears. In the prayers uttered during the bloodless sacrifice he is called up with the following words: "Come, Yavun-iki, together with your spirits bears" (Ilyina et al. 1993: 228).

According to the legend, he is clothed in a coat that has bear claws; the laces on his sakh (an outer garment) are made up of lizards and his shoes are tied with snakes (Karapetova, Solovyova 1997: 69; Martynova 1998: 159).

The bear has an enormous importance in the traditional culture of the Ob-Ugrians. The legends of all groups of Khanties relate a story of his celestial origin, and how Torum let him down from heaven (Kulemzin 1984: 164; Moldanova 1995: 2–3; Moldanov 1999: 14–16). According to the legend recorded by us, the bear used to live on Earth, but he didn't behave himself, and so Torum had to take him back to the heaven to be "re-educated". The bear still kept misbehaving, however, upon which Torum hurled him back onto Earth. But on the way down, he was caught in the branches of a cedar and stayed there so long that he started to rot. Then, creeping snakes appeared on his body, and they fell on Earth turning into two bear cubs, and from these two, all bears on Earth have originated (FM 1990 E. L. Kolsomov). Another legend states that, once upon a time, the bear lived in heaven. Kon iki threw him down onto Earth. While falling down, he hit his paw against a stump and this small injury made him walk in the tottering way he does (FM 1990 Y. A. Kuplandeyev). Similar legends have been recorded among Pim and Salym Khanties (cf. Mify… 1990: 90; Ilyina et al. 1993: 240). The bear had affiliations with the nether world as well. The materials of V. Kulemzin show that, in Yugan, the bear could help humans to return to life if their death has come prematurely. Thus, the bear was connected with all the three worlds and could act as a mediator between them. Presumably, it was through his bear-hypostasis that Yavun-iki was able to reach into the nether world. As A. Y. Kuplandeyeva has pointed out, "Sakh iki (which is one of Kon iki's names in Yugan) and Yavun-iki descended into the nether world and returned happiness" (FM 1990 Y. A. Kuplandeyev). According to the legend written down by us, he descended to the world of the dead to bring back his wife. Despite his struggle, he was able to rescue her only with the help of his brother, Sakh iki. Another fact testifying the bear's affiliations with the nether world is the assistants he had – snakes who epitomise the nether sphere.

The snake is held to be "a sacred animal" in the Ob-Ugrian tradition, and in many cases it is identical to the lizard (Moldanova 1999: 107–108). Among the Yugan Khanties, snakes are thought to bring the news and protect from illnesses. The Yugan Khanties had three allegorical names for the snake: mykari voi or 'the underground beast', tlonkty voi or 'the string-beast' and kou voi or the long beast' (FM 1999 V. H. Lyantin). Thus, it is not by accident that lizards and snakes feature on Yavun-iki's clothes, and not only his. For example, the sakh of Kazym imi, the goddess of Kazym, also features lizards, and her plaits are made up by snakes (Moldanova 1999: 107–108). Such notions are characteristic of eastern Mansis as well (Istochniki… 1987: 36). There must be an overall Ob-Ugrian tradition regarding the description of the sacred appearance of the spirits or protectors of regions who possess certain power and influence. Thus, there are certain stock epithets by which Kazym imi is referred to such as "shining", "of iron" and others, and there is a certain canon for describing her clothes.

As the son of Torum, Yavun-iki was related to the spirits and protective spirits of the middle world, including regions such as Pim, Tromyugan, and Salum. Torum had seven children (or eight according to other versions). Different regional groups tell their names (Moldanov 1999: 82–83; Martynova 2000: 171). Only two figures form an exception here: Mir vantty he and Hyn iki figure among eastern Khanties, and Kon iki and Pyhty sorin syvyn kon among western Khanties. Their influence is all pervasive thanks to their functions. The one – Mir vantty he or Kon iki is responsible for peace in the world and attends to people, whereas the other, Hun iki or Pyhty sorin syvyn kon sends sickness and death.

According to the thinking of Yugan Khanties, the brothers Yavun-iki and Sakh iki or Kon iki were of equal strength originally, and they were constantly at odds with one another while dividing regions. After a while Torum gave great strength to Kon iki thus dividing their sphere of influence. Kon iki or 'old man emperor' became the protective spirit of people, whereas Yavun-iki became the master of Yugan and the protective spirit of Yugan Khanties. The informants have described Kon iki as a hero who rides on a white horse attending to people as well as determining their lives. "Whoever sees him gains luck and longevity" (FM 1991 E. G. Taylakov, Y.A. Kuplandeyev). Within seconds, he is able to circle the world, or "as quickly as a piece of birch bark burns" (Ilyina et al. 1993: 220; Martynova 1998: 158). He can cover long distances not only on horse back in the middle world but also within the subterranean world of the dead as well.

The second brother of Yavun-iki – Atum navutl iki or 'an old fellow leaning to the bad side' is the master of the underworld. To see him in waking life brings bad luck because he robs people of their lives. He was constantly warring with his brothers as the latter were summoned to assist people.

Yavun-iki had several wives one of which was Kazym imi, the goddess of Kazym. Yugan Khanties have a legend regarding the birth of reindeer breeding in connection with her. In those legends, it is said how Yavun-iki, after marrying the goddess of Kazym, stole reindeer from her and moved them to Yugan (Ilyina et al. 1993: 220; Martynova 1998: 152). Kazym imi was revered by Yugan Khanties together with her local protective spirits, and she had a great influence on this region (Moldanova 1999: 105). Another wife of Yavun-iki was the local goddess, Torum evi 'iron lady' (FM 1988 A. N. Taylakova), an epithet that alludes to her power and rank. Yavun-iki and Torum evi were of equal strength, this is the reason that they separated (FM 1990 E. G. Taylakov).

Being a protective spirit of rivers, Yavun-iki spatially restructures his local world in Yugan. By virtue of his bear hypostasis, he has tight connections with the human world; he grants success in hunting and fishing thereby determining human wellbeing. As he is the son of Torum, Yavun-iki has connections with the world of gods. Thus, he is the mediator between the world of gods, nature and the world of humans. It is not by accident that a bear shaped protective spirit should exist in the traditional world construction of different groups of Khanty as well as of eastern Mansi peoples. He fulfils an important role in their conceptual system (Schmidt 1989: 14; Moldanov 1999: 64, 76). Therefore, Yavun-iki is held in high esteem among western Khanties, among Yugan, Tromyugan, Pim and Salym Khanties who have included him in their pantheon. One of the most important moments of the bear celebrations, which present a vivid manifestation of the Ob-Ugrian world, is the appearance of different guardian spirits of regions. On the basis of those figures, it is possible to ascertain the nature of connections and contacts between different local groups. In Yugan bear festivities, it is through Yavun-iki that the spirits appear. They are the protective spirits of the Salym, Irtysh, Pim, Nazym, and Kazym rivers who form the local pantheon of Yugan Khanties (Moldanova 1995: 3).

The figure of Yavun-iki is personified in concrete form and thereby he acquires an earthly form of existence. The most important cultural centre in Yugan is connected to Yavun-iki.

There are anthropomorphic depictions of Yavun-iki which are kept in the small sacred barn by the Great Yugan among the yurtas of Kayukovs. A. Zenko presents a detailed description of him after attending a sacrifice to honour Yavun-iki (1997: 29–31). Yavun-iki has three barns in total, these being: the winter, spring and summer barns, one of which is located in the summer  yurtas of Yarsomovs. Before, when people had reindeer, his image was carried along to the taiga (FM 1999 A. N. Kayukova). Every year, before the hunting season, the hunters gather on the sacred spot where they bring sacrifices to Yavun-iki. In addition, anybody who wishes can travel to the sacred barn holding an image of Yavun-iki, when the need presents itself. This person makes a bloodless sacrifice, sacrificing food and spirits. To augment the sacrifice, new clothes (sakh), fabric and scarves are brought as well. There are also small wooden images of bears and snakes in the barn – they are called ai pupuli and kou yuh respectively. Any Khanty can take them along, if they wish, and get help from Yavun-iki through them. Tromyugan Khanties take a special trip to Yavun-iki and have with them some wood in order to carve the images of the spirits – lungs (FM 1999). Until the year 1980, when the Yugan Khanties still had reindeer held in private, they would use them for sacrifice to Yavun-iki. At present, only food and vodka are brought. During the new moon they always burn birch bark in order to fill the rooms with sacred smoke (FM 1999 A. N. Kayukova).

The keeper of Yavun-iki is chosen from amongst the most honourable persons within the family who are related to the Bear family – puppi sir (i.e. Kayukovs and Ryskins). He keeps Yavun-iki for three to four years after which Yavun-iki is handed over to the next keeper. The figure is carved by a chosen master who does not belong to the Bear family. In earlier times, the carver was chosen by votes or nominated by the shaman. In the case of the master carver's death, the figure was changed; it is also changed if it becomes old or after every seven years. In case of the death of the keeper (tlung ort) the figure of Yavun-iki must be handed over to another family (FM 1990).

There are also other relics apart from the images of Yavun-iki connected with him. For example, not far from the settlement called Ryskiny his spear is kept, and people believe that Yavun-iki lost it there (Kulemzin 1984: 96, 110; Ilyina et al. 1993: 232). Subjects of Yavun-iki, Yalut man kut, are connected with their own separate sacred places (FM 1990 Y. Usanov).

It is not only myths and legends that connect Yavun-iki with his brothers, Kon iki and Atym navytl iki (Pyhty sorin syvyn kon). There are places around the Great and Small Yugan where they are thought to appear (FM; Balalayeva 1999: 152). Thus, there is a sacred barn by the Great Yugan that includes the sable sakh of Kon iki (FM 1991 E. L. Kolsomov). The barn is located between the yurtas of Larlomkins and Taurovs near the Great Yugan. That is why another name for Kon iki in Yugan is Sakh iki. He is not identified with the very spirit of the image which is kept, according to our informants, "somewhere to the north" but it has a representational function being the protective spirit of the region where the two families dwell. Before the hunt he is always brought a bloodless sacrifice. Sakh iki can be taken along only up to the yurtas of Yarsomovs as he cannot co-exist with his brothers. Therefore, it is not allowed to move Yavun-iki together with Sakh iki, for in that case "something bad can befall the Khanties" (FM 1991 E. L. Kolsomov). The families of Aranteyevs, Kolsomovs, and Kurlomkins can be his keepers, alternating every three years (FM 1991 E. L. Kolsomov).

The second of Yavun-iki's brother, Atum navitl iki 'old man leaning to the bad side' is connected with a place between the sites of Kurlomkins and Larlomkins. There is a sacred barn together with anthropomorphic images similar to those described by Kulemzin (1984: 118). Atym navytl iki serves here as the protective spirit of the region, and he is always brought sacrifices: fabric, wine or food products.

Kazym Khanties also have sacred places connected to the figures of Hyn iki and As tyi iki who are the protective spirits of this region (Moldanov 1999: 138).

All in all, through Yavun-iki and his brothers and their attributes, the world of upper deities is projected onto the physical surroundings or regions where Yugan Khanties live, thereby giving the region a special sacral significance.

Being a protective spirit of Yugan, Yavun-iki serves as a patron of the local spirits and the personal protective spirits of Yugan Khanties. Yugan Khanties think that everyone has their guardian – tlung. Upon the birth, it is guesswork who is going to be the personal protector, tlung iki, or tlung imi (either it is man or woman). When a human being is born then it is said that he is turned into an iron wood grouse (FM 1990 E. G. Taylakov). In prayers, all spirits important to the region are normally addressed starting from the most important ending with the weaker ones (FM 1990 Y. Usanov).

Every family and settlement has its own protective spirit. Thus, the protective spirit of the village Taylakovo is Torum evi who is one of the wives of Yavun-iki (FM 1991). She is revered not only by the Taylakovs but also by the representatives of all families dwelling in this region. This applies to the other settlements as well. Thus the protective spirit of the yurtas of Yarsomovs is Luk iki ('old man-wood grouse') (FM 1999), for Ryskins it is Souh yuh iki (Kulemzin 1984: 110; FM 1984), and for Kaimysovs, Lan-lor-iki ('the old man of the summer lake') (Zenko 1997: 28), etc. O. Balalayeva recorded 38 sacred places in Yugan (1999: 152) – such as lakes, swamps, islands, coppices and peninsulas, mediated through oral tradition – that are not really connected to the protective spirits of the settlements and their holy barns, but are just "special places with a sacred meaning" (Balalayeva 1999: 142).

In this way, the natural environment is personified through mythological creatures on micro and macro levels, whereas the rituals that fulfil communicative and consolidating functions regulate the relationship between humans and mythological creatures.

The world view of Yugan Khanties is a local variation of the all Khantyan conception of the world. Legends featuring the name of Yavun-iki link the past with the present and reflect the people's ties to the land. Yavun-iki, the hero, guardian, and protective spirit, is one of the most important cultural symbols of that group of Yugan Khanties who keep the traditional way of life (who are in principle the middle and older generation). Yavun-iki enables those Khanties to perceive themselves as a particular society of people i.e. "people of Yugan" existing in a metaphorical tribe. This is a key factor in the preservation of ethnicity of that group. Social and cultural changes are rapid, however, people do not want to lose their identity in the fleeting world.

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