Collection of Komi Objects

In the Estonian National Museum (ENM) there are 498 Komi exhibits (including the Norther Komi and the Komi-Permyaks), collected in the fieldwork trips by the ENM in 1967 (among the Komi-Permyaks), 1969 (among the Izhma Komi, izvatas), 1976 (among the Sysola Komi and Luza Komi, syktylsajas, luzsajas), 1981 (among the Izhma Komi), 1989 (among the Upper-Ezhva, or Upper-Vychegda Komi, vylysezhvasajas), 1996 (among the Upper-Vychegda Komi), in 1997 (among the Lower-Ezhva, or Lower Vychegda Komi, ezhvatas) and 1998 (among Udor Komi, udorasajas). Most of the above fieldwork trips² have been organized in cooperation with the National Museum of the Komi Republic. Also, there are a few objects from fieldwork trips to some other regions where the Komi (izvatas) live, such as the Kola Peninsula and Western Siberia. Some of the objects have been donated or given as gifts. In the ENM, basic material culture of the two ethnographic groups of the Northern Komi (e.g. the Pechora Komi (pechorasa) and the Vym Komi (yemvatas) are not represented.

The Komi collection at the ENM is not representative if both geographical and cultural aspects are considered. There are relatively fewer objects related to men's clothes and activities, especially those performed for a living (e.g. agriculture, cattle breeding, game hunting, fishing, reindeer rearing). There are relatively more items involving women's clothes (especially shirts (döröm), skirts (sarapan, shushun), small tools (e.g. spindles (chörs), parts of a weaving loom, distaffs (pechkan), and various birch-bark vessels. In the future, more attention should be paid to these fields of activities with little information known about them. Yet, in order to provide a better geographical representation of objects, there would be much overlapping material. Many objects, however, that are not present in the ENM, are there as photographs, figures or manuscripts describing them.

Information about the collected Komi objects is not complete. The Komi names of objects suggested by the museum catalogue are being linguistically examined³ at the National Museum of the Komi Republic. There are a great number of mistakes estimated (about one quarter to one third of all cases with any Komi equivalent).

In addition, the attitude of people towards their heritage is not focused either: how to use and keep it, in what circumstances the object is handed over, thrown away or destroyed. In a few cases, even the field of use is not specified (at the ENM, there is a section of artefacts, some scoops, etc., that could be used for several purposes, and might have been).

From Fieldwork Diaries

Information reporting the collection of the Komi objects in diaries available at the ENM does not provide much information about the objects, but rather describes the factual detail of collection. At the ENM, there are no established requirements as regards the form or content of the fieldwork diary. So are the expedition diaries with the Komi: days have been reported one by one, sometimes the most impressive events have been highlighted. In most cases the dates and names of villages have been provided, as well as names of the people who were interviewed. Also, their age, or at least an approximate age has been provided.

I do not consider state censorship, organization or the author evident in the soviet-period fieldwork diaries, the aspect highlighted by Heiki Pärdi (1995: 82), to be so overwhelming in the Komi diaries examined in this paper. I did not include Kalju Konsin's diary with the Izhma Komi in 1969 (TAp 576) in this paper, as it had been textually minimized even further than suggested by H. Pärdi, to the form of a "boringly formal and dull accounts of "what I ate this morning, how many households I visited, what kind of things I collected / did not collect, and what the weather was like" (Pärdi 1995: 82).

Pärdi suggests that "If the aim of the research is not only factography and the external description of the facts ("how it was"), the subjective opinions, trains of thought and the whole presentation of material in the diary become a very important source. They should not be read only word for word to find out what happened, what the author saw or heard. Through diaries we can also get information about things not directly mentioned there. The things the author wanted to inform us about need not be the same as we are interested in most of all" (1995: 83). According to Marc Bloch, Pärdi considers diaries to be reporting ""unwilling evidence" of history" (1995: 83). Also, he has regarded fieldwork diaries as "unique intimate documents reflecting their time and including personal aspect", and "stylistically pure representatives of direct (and open) observation" (1995: 83).

It could be that the issue is not as straightforward as Pärdi sees it. In most cases, collectors are professional ethnologists (as with all Komi diaries), and thus one should be wary of examining the "unwillingness" of message. Also, the conception of "stylistically pure and direct observation", suggested by Pärdi, should be further discussed. Supposedly, examination by an ethnologist tends to be charged with theories, attitudes, or else pre-suppositions. A researcher can also construct "direct experience" and thus expose the brightest possible sides of his or her personality.

Paul Atkinson has also discussed the aspects of textual composition of the collector's experience (1994). Without going more deeply into Atkinson's work, I will quote the following section from his monograph: 

"The retrospective account of failures resolved and troubles survived thus vouched for the authenticity of the author's experience. He or she claims uniquely to have gone through the baptism of fire in order to achieve the close acquaintance that is the foundation of ethnographic knowledge. The `discovery' of social relationships and cultural forms is thus parallelled by the personal narrative of exploration and survival" (Atkinson 1994: 110).

In the case of the extracts from diaries examined in this paper, both are correct. There is evidence that can be considered as "unwillingness of message", and thus analysed according to M. Bloch. Also, there are narratives with evident "ethnographic construction" in them.

On the other hand, there are some ethical issues to be settled when examining these relatively subjective and uncorrected writings. The authors' self-ironical attitude detectable in the Komi diaries should also be considered when analysing them. The collectors have not prepared their diaries for publishing, and thus the requirements set by current fieldwork methodology cannot be applied to these narratives.

Material involving Komi objects in diaries

In this section I will survey how the diary of the joint expedition of the ENM and the National Museum of the Komi Republic in 1989 interpret the Komi objects (every Estonian member has contributed to its compilation). All the evidence about the objects can be subdivided into four broad categories: 

1. How did ethnologists work, e.g.: 

"Being a fieldwork novice, it amazed me how indifferently Mrs. Nadezhda⁴, a researcher at the Komi museum, started to demand things without much preliminary explanation. Well, this must be the way things go" (TAp 858: 13, Ust-Kulom, Eve Randoja 1989).

"Yeah, as with any other country, it is pitiful to visit the Komi when you do not understand the native language. Especially being an ethnologist. Anyway, we were doing well at Shahsikt: we obtained 15 items" (TAp 858: 32, Ust-Kulom region, Heiki Pärdi 1989).

"On our way back to the bus I was entrusted with a specific Komi manure fork, which I then tried to use to the full. Unfortunately, an eager museum worker, Terje [Alop] could not use the dung fork as a walking stick" (TAp 858: 37-38, Ust-Kulom region, Vylgort village, Eve Randoja 1989).

2. What was collected, e.g.: 

"We found one woman who agreed to let the `crowd'⁵ into her house. From her⁶ we obtained a basket of birch bark, a belt, and a rigid heddle. I stayed there longer to make a sketch of a stocking. We also got a fur coat, a birch bark vessel, a wooden sledge. It was raining all the time" (TAp 858: 15, Ust-Kulom region, Don village, Anneli Säre 1989).

"At this village we got an iron, sarafan (skirt), a peshter⁷, a board-shaped distaff, a cloth with a weaver's reed and heddlers, and 2 shuttlers. [---] The Komi museum obtained a reindeer sledge. Otherwise in a good condition, but fastened with wire" (TAp 858: 18, Ust-Kulom region, Dzhedzhim village, Heiki Pärdi 1989).

"The afternoon also began successfully: with the first embroidered towel, somewhat later another was obtained" (TAp 858: 36, Ust-Kulom region, Vylgort village, Eve Randoja 1989).

Thus, much of the narrative reflects the collector's attitude towards the objects and collecting. In some cases the detail of collection has been reported. Heiki Pärdi even calls the collectors "hawkers-pedlars" (TAp 858: 31). It is of no doubt that such information is of great importance in the reconstruction of the collector's attitude. Such evidence occurs at random, however, as there are no formal requirements for compiling a diary. Thus, this information can be used for examining collectors.

3. What was the owner's attitude towards giving things away:

Only a few accounts of the local people's attitude to collecting have slipped in - two women disagreed about giving their things away - in the case of the first, the things were mementos of her parents, and no motive could be found for the other Komi woman's action.

"We must be going again. We visited quite a number of women, while one of them could retain her obstinate regard. Without result we, as well as her daughter and neighbour's wife, tried to persuade her (both in Russian and Komi) to give us an interesting rectangular holder. The woman was resolute. She even rummaged around in her storehouse and gave us an old sarafan and bric-a-brac instead (so that we left her in peace). However, she refused to give us the birch-bark item. We just gave up..." (TAp 858: 23-24, Ust-Kulom region, Don village, Terje Alop 1989).

"We went to Mödlapöv village, and Terje was able to dress in the exquisite shirt of a Komi bride and a light pink sarafan. Of course, she had a picture taken of her with these clothes on. Also, the woman had her father's embroidered shirt made by her mother for their wedding. However, she refused to give the above things away. Without much encouragement, the woman gave Terje a magnificent silk scarf for 15 roubles. This village also provided children's footwear. Actually, we were no longer passionate about collecting" (TAp 858: 41-42, Ust-Kulom region, Anneli Säre 1989).

One time high spirits of the Komi women about collectors have been reported. It does not appear, however, whether the old biddies are highly pleased that they can sell their things, or at they can receive the guests and entertain them, e.g.: 

"In the first household women were very kind and eager to rummage around for things. [---] Both the Syktyvkar museum and the ENM obtained this and that from them" (TAp 858: 21-22, Ust-Kulom region, Don village, Terje Alop 1989).

4. One time local authorities intervention in the collection process has been reported, e.g.: 

"At our destination Pomözdin village things started badly (men's lodging at militia station, women's lodging at council office, not recommended to collect things, local museum was going to be established, Russian heard in streets)" (TAp 858: 34, Ust-Kulom region, Heiki Pärdi 1989).

Here it is important to note that the Komi living at Pomözdin are regarded as very patriotic. Also the other Komi people (and probably the Pomözdin Komi themselves) regard the Komi living there to be somewhat short-tempered. Thus, the expedition members could have been victims of the local characteristic attitude.

In the diary of the 1981 expedition to the Inta region Izhma Komi, made by the Estonian Art Academy⁸, Edgar Saar, researcher of the ENM, has provided several accounts about these subjects. Information will be classified according to the outline of the 1989 expedition.

1. The diary does not include any account of the ethnologist's (i.e. Edgar Saar's) attitude towards the work.

2. Edgar Saar has provided a lot of information about the things he was able to get, e.g.:

"Elderly and middle-aged women still wear folk costume. This includes a sarafan, kofta (jacket), apron, kokoshnik (cloth cap), and kerchief. For the museum collection, I got a cloth cap and a spindle" (TAp 760: 9-10, Abez village, 15 July).

"I got three traps as a gift, and bought a mitten for the museum" (TAp 760: 13, Jepa village, 17 July).

"For the museum I was able to buy a pair of socks" (TAp 760: 16, Jepa village, 19 July).

"I bought some things for the students to make sketches of" (TAp 760: 16, Jepa village, 20 July).

"Katrin⁹ and Maarja¹⁰ bought caps of reindeer hide. In the daytime they had heard that a Komi has a duck-shaped vessel. We wanted to take a photograph of it, but its owner was not home" (TAp 760: 17-18, Abez village, 21 July).

"I was at Harsaim. I bought things for the students to make sketches of" (TAp 760: 26, Harsaim village, 25 July).

"For the museum, I was able to obtain the Komi woman's costume: a sarafan, apron, cloth cap and a jacket. I was also offered a child's maalitsa¹¹, but as its fur was coming off, I did not buy it" (TAp 760: 45-46, Pitlor village, 7 August).

3. Also, Edgar Saar has never commented on the local people's attitude towards their things, as well as their willingness or reluctance to give their things away.

4. Members of this expedition also visited the Izhma Komi in Western Siberia. There, again they faced intervention of the authorities regarding collecting, e.g.: 

"With K. Põllu¹², we went to the executive committee of the autonomous okrug. We were received by Njats, Vice-Head of the committee. This spring, the art institude sent a letter to the executive committee of the okrug, asking for permission for the students to have their practical drawing experience at Harsaim. In reply to the letter the committee claimed it was not possible, as there were no objects of folk art or architecture. The letter was signed by Njats. Today it turns out he did not know where Harsaim was. He asked us about that. Njats is ethnic Nenets. However, he allowed us to go there" (TAp 760: 20-21, Salehard, 23 July).

In the 1976 joint expedition of the ENM and National Museum of the Komi Republic, Aleksei Peterson, director of the ENM, has provided a lot of information about objects. Once again a similar classification has been applied, although it is provisional, as A. Peterson has merged various aspects in his accounts.

1. How ethnologists worked, e.g.: 

A. Peterson has a number of reports on the subject.

"But we are doing a good job, as Nadja I¹³ - as we call our boss - tends to be drowsy. Yet spotting an aged crone bucks her up, and Nadja starts asking questions about whether she has this or that, demanding the same objects all the time. In general, we are received well, though the booty may not be remarkable. As it is here. In one household there is a whole chest full of all kinds of socks and stockings, and the Syktyvkar women bought a lot. We have spent a lot. I had 150 roubles with me, in 2 days 50 roubles is gone. Soon we will be in bankruptcy. [---] One of the last households is clean and tidy. There we get some floor covering for the museum" (TAp 679: 14-15, the Sysola Komi, 8 July).

"It is getting towards 6 o'clock, and thus we take the things with us and stump back. We had obtained a heavy load. Nothing to do: when back, we are tired" (TAp 679: 16, the Sysola Komi, 8 July).

"We called into some houses, and got some objects. First of all, both Nadjas trade in textiles" (TAp 679: 36, the Sysola Komi, 12 July).

"In two hours we are in the city and unload the cargo" (TAp 679: 77, Syktyvkar, 20 July).

It is remarkable that A. Peterson has paid attention to documenting the facts about the objects, e.g.: 

"Everybody is very helpful, and lots of things accumulate. But who in Heaven's name is able to document them all! Nadja keeps trying, however. Here we obtain plenty of wooden objects, and within a little time their names can hardly be fixed. Thus, lots of things are obtained, but they should be more precisely documented" (TAp 679: 32-33, the Sysola Komi, 11 July).

2. What was obtained, e.g.:

In A. Peterson's diary, this section is greatly represented.

"From one household we obtain a chest, where sarafans, jupkas¹⁴, etc were kept. This is not like ours, but a round aspen vessel, height about 1 m, diameter about 70 cm. For 5 roubles we buy a smaller one, about the size of our dowry chest, and some pieces of cloth" (TAp 679: 10-11, the Sysola Komi, 7 July).

"We visit one more house, where we are able to get some things, and then come back to our "station"" (TAp 679: 35, the Sysola Komi, 11 July).

"So, we are in the first household, and here we get some wire and things. [---] We also drop into the next household, and there we get a steelyard, the third one already" (TAp 679: 38-39, the Sysola Komi, 12 July).

"There are enough things in this village, yet there are no woollen stockings with beautiful patterns like in previous Kuratovo villages. Not even simple patterns. Instead, we can get overcoats, tools and clothes almost free" (TAp 679: 65-66, the Luza Komi, 18 July).

"Someone brought a nice board-shaped distaff with abundant carving. Great!" (TAp 679: 66, the Luza Komi, 18 July).

"There are things to settle. First, at Jakib village, we ordered old-style trousers. These should be fetched [---] With Tolja¹⁵, Vello¹⁶ and the old man, we set out to Jakib village to get the trousers, and the old man also promised us to give some things" (TAp 679: 74-75, the Sysola Komi, 20 July).

"We arrive at the village. The old man agrees to show us his household. We take photographs of the basement, dwelling house and other objects. We get a netting and tools for making it. We could get a lot more things if we had more time, but we had decided to leave soon to visit one more village. A woman brings a couple of shirts and a sarafan - we are successful. Also, we get the trousers - that is perfect" (TAp 679: 76, the Sysola Komi, 20 July).

"And today things accumulated" (TAp 679: 40, the Sysola Komi, 13 July).

"What we can get here? Mostly stockings and mittens. First of all women's stockings with beautiful patterns - just give 20 roubles, and the pair is yours! Too expensive, actually the work is worth this, all they ask is the same price (even 25 roubles per pair, and 5 roubles per mittens), as if they had agreed about it. You can buy or not if you do not want to. Bargaining would not help much. Also, there are shirts and sarafans available. The lower parts of the shirts have been removed, and the tops are sold for 3-5 roubles. So are the belts, not valuable. And this is all for textiles, represented by things. There are very few towels and other items. Towels tend to be new and bought, and sometimes embroidery is on the bought cloth. There are lots of wooden things, and often you can get them free. Birch-bark vessels are exquisite, tools are rare. For instance, you would not spot agricultural implements (e.g. forked plough, harrow). I have not seen any. There are some kind of iron implements for furrowing, dragged behind the worker. There are more wooden kitchen vessels, and as in use, they could not be obtained so easily. We could get weaving looms, but where shall we put them, and how to take them away. So today. Things accumulate, not `wonderful things'" (TAp 679: 23-25, the Sysola Komi, 10 July).

"We go on, but we are not doing so well any more. Whether nobody is at home or has nothing to give. What can we do about it! We move around, and finally get about 10 things, a spinning wheel for the Syktyvkar museum. Our boxes are all full and secured for posting. One of them is not, in which to place other items. We cannot get large things" (TAp 679: 71, the Luza Komi, 19 July).

"We unload and pack our things. There is some more space. The numbers go up to 180. We cannot get 200, this is quite clear" (TAp 679: 73, Kuratovo village community, 19 July).

"Collections for the museum were supplemented by 180 objects, about 400 photographs + 10 hours of material on the tape. A good yield!" (TAp 679: 82, 27 July).

3. The owner's attitude towards giving things away, e.g.: 

Peterson has provided some facts about this aspect (see also category 1).

"Women are very willing to show us their things. We get this and that. A beer vessel, a very beautiful one, the farmer's wife would not give it to us. Finally the farmer will" (TAp 679: 18, the Sysola Komi, 9 July).

"Then we got the skis, but there was some argument involved, as mother gave them, but her son disagreed. Actually, he demanded his skis (already registered) back, as his mother was drunk" (TAp 679: 23, the Sysola Komi, 10 July).

"The old man is really home. Can hardly keep his legs, hearing is normal and speaks Russian. Nothing will come out of our talk. For me, his Russian and good hearing would not suffice. His wife is younger, but hearing has also deteriorated. Instead, she nags at us all, and keeps an eye on us so that "we did not lift anything". And when we went to the shed unbeknown to her, and drew out a basket-trap, she became angry and said `abu' - have not got - and also something more intense in Komi which I am lucky, I do not understand. Just before we left, their daughter from Syktyvkar came to see them. And she is kindness personified, says that she would give us all the lumber, but cannot, as the old ones would not let her do that. She could only persuade them, so that the basket-trap and many other things would find their way into the collections of the ENM and Syktyvkar museum" (TAp 679: 33-35, the Sysola Komi, 11 July).

"First of all, we started to bring together the things scattered in two places. First we go to Möm village. There, some more things have been added. Unfortunately, my beautiful board-shaped distaff has been replaced. At first I did not notice that, but later when at the schoolhouse - it was too late. Also, we fetch our things from Zarechye village community. Thus, things were amassed" (TAp 679: 36-37, the Sysola Komi, 12 July).

"Now, we set out to a longer trip about 15 km from the schoolhouse along the asphalt. Some old crone takes us there, saying that there is all kinds of bric-a-brac available" (TAp 679: 37, the Sysola Komi, 12 July).

"At first we were not lucky, but then all kinds of things were laid out. As we did not have any money, we could not do any shopping. We were not struck by anything worth buying. All textile goods were already known to us" (TAp 679: 46, the Sysola Komi, 14 July).

"We went into an empty house in hope of finding something of ethnographic value. Vain hopes! One cannot see anything but timber, some tiles and rags. The place looked as if humanity had run over it, not wars or plague, which would not destroy houses, while people burn them to ashes" (TAp 679: 47, the Sysola Komi, 14 July).

"Here we get a number of things free" (TAp 679: 50, the Sysola Komi, 15 July).

"She also gives a sarafan for the museum free, although her pension is 32 roubles (for losing her son and probably because of being widowed in war)" (TAp 679: 60, the Sysola Komi, 16 July).

"We met an old crone who kindly gave us her milking pail, and who would give us more things if she had had any. She did not have anything else to give away" (TAp 679: 70, the Luza Komi, 19 July).

4. Again, intervention of the authorities into collecting things has been reported, e.g.: 

"Then, we go to the Cabinet Council of the Komi Republic¹⁷, as recommended by Kachalova¹⁸. There, we hand in the letter for our joint expedition. The person who reviews it emphasizes that we are not allowed to take cultural, valuable items out of the republic. I cannot comment on this, it is news to me that ethnographic objects are not allowed to be taken to other Soviet republics. Kachalova calms us down, saying that this is just a formality, and we need not bother" (TAp 679: 6, Syktyvkar, 5 July).

Conclusions

When consulting the Ethnographic Archives (EA) of the ENM, it appears that information about the objects in diaries (TAp) and the MS ethnographic notes (EA) do not correspond with each other, as the latter does not provide any information about the Komi objects at the ENM. Also, diaries and MS ethnographic notes cannot be compared - Konsin has provided many ethnographic descriptions and practically no diaries. Peterson has provided a long and comprehensive diary, but not a single specific ethnographic description. Materials from the 1989 expedition at the EA are not in any way related to the object collected. Since the year 1981 there is no information at the EA about the Komi, as regards objects. Thus, diaries are the most completely integrated source, referring to actual situations, objects, people. Also, the diary adds some extra information about the collected objects, a main catalogue, collections of photographs (Fk), and groupings of ethnographic sketches (EJ). EA stands somewhat apart from it.

The information involving Komi objects in the diaries by the researchers of the ENM tends to be subjective and immediate, as also noted in the above statements by H. Pärdi. However, it also is inevitably fragmentary (systematic information is recorded in the collected books and catalogues of the ENM). The Komi fieldwork diaries are collated diaries, and thus information there mostly includes the following issues: how things were given or were not given to collectors. They include no information about the use of things (should be recorded at the EA, but only few are there, except for somewhat extended ethnographic descriptions by K. Konsin (EA 118: 366-409; 124: 417-467).

Thus, the Komi diaries at the ENM should be examined with caution, and jumping to conclusions avoided. The absence of any requirements for completing a diary makes the task even more complicated (as well as interesting). Despite that, diaries are similar in some intuitive way (as far as the Komi objects are concerned). Thus the main points at issue can be highlighted: ethnologists' and local people's attitudes towards collecting things, as well as evaluation of the collected things and the intervention of the authorities in the collecting process. It is natural that the diaries include information other than that only related to collecting things. These issues, however, should be treated in a separate article.

1 Director of the Estonian National Museum, 1958–1992.

2 Joint expeditions of the ENM and the National Museum of the Komi Republic were the trips in 1976, 1989, 1996, 1997 and 1998.

3 At the time of writing this paper, April–May 1998.

4 Nadezhda Titova.

5 Members of the expedition – five Estonians and two Komi ethnologists.

6 As it comes out of the diary, it was the Komi Olga Nikolayevna Napalkina.

7 Peshter – a birch-bark carrier, held on the back (in the Komi lng.).

8 That time: the Estonian State Art Institute.

9 Katrin Pere, teacher of the Estonian State Art Institute.

10 Maarja Kross, student of the Estonian State Art Institute.

11 Maalitsa – a shirt-like coat of reindeer hide with the fur inside in the style of Nenets, Komi, Khanty, Mansi and other arctic peoples.

12 Kaljo Põllu, professor of Estonian State Art Institute, head of the expedition.

13 Nadezhda Mitjusheva from the Komi State’s Research Museum of Regional Studies (KSRMRS) (present National Museum of the Komi Republic). Nadja II is Nadezhda Titova from KSRMRS, who also participated in the expedition.

14 i.e. skirts.

15  Driver of the expedition.

16 Vello Kutsar, photographer of the expedition.

17 Cabinet Council of the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.

18 Alice Dmitriyevna Kachalova, director of the Komi State’s Research Museum of Regional Studies (presently National Museum of the Komi Republic).

References and Sources